This week, the nation celebrated another historic moment as His Majesty conferred the inaugural Gross National Happiness (GNH) award, reaffirming the monarch’s unwavering commitment to the core principles of GNH for the humanity of the world. This accolade demonstrates the visionary leadership of our monarchs, who have consistently championed GNH principles as the cornerstone of national prosperity. Their dedication to fostering a society that prioritises happiness and well-being is both commendable and deserving of profound gratitude.
However, our successive elected governments have failed to translate these noble visions into actionable policies at the national level. A glaring example is the government’s inability to take stern action against the unethical practices of vehicle dealers this week. Despite being aware of widespread malpractices—including potential tax evasion and unexplained price inflation by vehicle dealers—the government has refrained from publicly disclosing the identities of these offenders. This stands in stark contrast to the immediate naming and shaming of individuals arrested for drug trafficking, who predominantly come from vulnerable and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Both tax evasion and drug trafficking constitute criminal offences.
The successive governments have failed to provide affordable and reliable public transport even in Thimphu, while vehicle dealers operate with minimal transparency. For instance, the ex-showroom price of a Maruti Suzuki Alto K10 is approximately ₹3.99 lakh in India, compared to Nu. 7.7 lakh in Bhutan—nearly double the price. Similarly, the Maruti Suzuki Swift costs around Nu. 1 million in Bhutan, while in India, it is priced below Nu. 7 lakhs. The Hyundai Creta starts at Nu. 1.6 million in Bhutan but is available for approximately Nu. 1 million in India. These same vehicles are taxed at 28% – 40% in India and 55% in Bhutan; yet the price difference speaks for itself regarding the consumer’s right to a fair price. Such exorbitant pricing renders even basic family vehicles unaffordable for lower-income individuals, exacerbating socio-economic disparities.
Access to loans is almost non-existent for those outside affluent circles, while rural land—often the primary asset of marginalised communities—is systematically undervalued and rejected as collateral by banks; most private sector employees are not even eligible for loans. This exclusionary practice effectively denies financial assistance to a significant portion of the population. Phajo Nidup’s case and disbursement of ESP is a good example of how financial institutes treat those who are from wealthy backgrounds. Such practices contravene the principles of financial inclusivity, leaving over half the population without access to essential loans, even as banks report substantial profits and distribute annual bonuses.
Similarly, the telecommunications sector remains plagued by high costs and poor service quality. Despite two companies reaping significant profits—even during the pandemic—internet services remain very expensive for many. The government’s failure to regulate this sector adequately has left lower-income populations at a distinct disadvantage, hindering their participation in the digital economy.
Therefore, first the government must facilitate direct of import vehicles from India by individuals, with taxes remitted directly to the Revenue and Customs Department and make it mandatory for dealers to disclose their prices. Secondly, it should reduce internet costs to bridge the digital divide and foster digital inclusion. Thirdly, it must revise collateral requirements—recognising rural land as collateral—and offering unsecured education loans. These measures may seem insignificant but will empower marginalised communities, promote inclusivity and balance regional socio-economic development, and realise GNH—the visionary ideals enshrined by our great monarchs.
Sonam Tshering Lawyer, Thimphu
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are author’s own